Russian President Vladimir Putin arrived in India for a two-day visit, receiving a warm embrace from Prime Minister Narendra Modi on the Delhi runway before their annual summit. The trip comes at a crucial moment: Delhi and Moscow are preparing to sign several agreements even as the US increases pressure on India to curb Russian oil imports and as Washington, under President Donald Trump, engages Moscow and Kyiv in efforts to end the war in Ukraine.
India and Russia have been long-standing strategic partners, and the personal rapport between Modi and Putin has helped sustain ties through turbulent global politics. Here is why both sides need each other and what to watch as they meet.
A Special Partnership, Trade Interests and Global Signalling
By Steve Rosenberg
For the Kremlin, India is indispensable. The reasons begin with scale:
-
A population of nearly 1.5 billion
-
Economic growth above 8%, making India the world’s fastest-growing major economy
This makes India a prime market for Russian energy and exports—especially oil. Before Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, only around 2.5% of India’s oil imports came from Russia. After sanctions pushed Moscow out of European markets, that share surged to 35%, thanks to steep discounts.
India benefited; Washington did not approve.
Earlier this year, the Trump administration imposed an additional 25% tariff on Indian goods, arguing that continued purchases of Russian crude were helping finance the war. India’s oil orders have since declined, and Putin is eager to reverse that.
Defence sales remain another cornerstone. India has relied on Russian weapons for decades, and reports ahead of Putin’s visit suggest renewed interest in advanced fighter jets and air-defence systems. Russia, meanwhile, is grappling with labour shortages and sees India as a potential source of skilled workers.
But beyond trade, this trip is about geopolitics and image-building. The Kremlin is determined to show that Western attempts to isolate it have failed. High-profile visits to India—and recent meetings with China’s Xi Jinping—broadcast that message. Together, the three leaders present themselves as champions of a “multi-polar world,” resisting Western dominance.
Russia touts a “no limits” partnership with China and an equally vocal “special and privileged strategic partnership” with India. This stands in stark contrast to its estrangement from Europe.
Yet some in Russia’s political and business elite privately lament the rupture with the West, recalling decades when Moscow maintained ties across multiple economic and political blocs.
This week, though, expect the focus to be on Russia–India friendship, new trade opportunities and expanded economic cooperation.
A Test of Modi’s Strategic Autonomy
By Vikas Pandey
For Modi, Putin’s visit arrives at a delicate moment for India’s global strategy.
India’s ties with Russia—rooted in the Soviet era—have weathered dramatic geopolitical shifts. Modi has preserved these ties despite strong Western pressure to condemn Moscow’s war in Ukraine, insisting instead that dialogue is the only path to peace. This reflects India’s long-standing doctrine of strategic autonomy—the ability to maintain close relationships with rival global powers.
But this strategy has become more complicated since Donald Trump returned to the White House. US-India relations have deteriorated sharply over unresolved tariff disputes, and the 25% penalty on Indian imports has strained ties to an unprecedented degree.
This makes Putin’s visit more consequential. Modi must reaffirm his partnership with Russia without jeopardising crucial negotiations with Washington or cooperation with Europe—especially after German, French and British ambassadors in Delhi published a rare joint article criticising Moscow’s stance on Ukraine.
Fixing a Skewed Trade Relationship
Modi is also looking to correct a massive bilateral trade imbalance. Trade between India and Russia rose from $8.1bn in 2020 to $68.7bn in 2025, driven mostly by discounted Russian oil. With Indian companies now reducing oil purchases to avoid US penalties, both sides must find other areas to grow trade.
Defence is an obvious candidate. While India has diversified its arms imports to reduce dependency, its military still runs heavily on Russian systems—from Sukhoi-30 jets to S-400 air defence units. Recent clashes with Pakistan underscored how crucial those platforms remain, even as vulnerabilities in supply chains become more apparent.
Reports suggest India wants to acquire the upgraded S-500 system and Russia’s Su-57 fifth-generation fighter jet—especially as Pakistan has purchased China’s J-35 stealth aircraft. But sanctions have caused severe shortages of components inside Russia, delaying even existing deliveries. Modi is likely to push Putin for firm timelines.
At the same time, India wants greater access for its own goods in Russian markets. Despite geopolitical shifts, Indian consumer products—from smartphones to garments—have barely made inroads.
Modi hopes to change that, especially after the war ends and Russia seeks deeper reintegration into the global economy.
Balancing Powers in a Shifting World
Ultimately, the summit is about more than oil and defence. It is about whether India can maintain strategic balance while navigating pressures from Washington and dependence on Moscow.